ABSTRACTS

01On Biden Administration’s Choice of National Security Strategy,by Teng Jianqun, Senior Research Fellow, CISS. The Biden administration unveiled the National Security Strategy of the United States of America in October 2022, marking the establishment of the national security strategy of the current administration. It believes that the next 10 years will be a decisive period for the United States to engage in strategic competition with the major countries that can shape the future international order, mainly in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, the United States has to deal with global challenges such as climate change, food security, infectious diseases, terrorism and inflation. The report lays out a path to achieve these goals, with a core focus on using all tools at the US’disposal to ensure US global leadership. On the whole, the strategy has multiple layers of disconnection, such as goals and strength, which will inevitably have a major impact on the evolution of international relations and the international landscape. The United States regards China as its main competitor, which has a profound impact on the sound and steady development of China-US relations. At present, the old balance of power between China and the United States has been broken, and a new balance of power is being built. Bilateral relations between the two countries have entered a period of strategic stalemate, and it is necessary to strengthen the management of differences. President Xi Jinping’s meeting with President Biden in Bali in November has defined the direction, established the framework and opened a new process for ensuring the sound and steady development of bilateral relations between the two countries.

24An Analysis on the New Trend of NATO’s Strategy,by Wang Yuanyuan,Ph.D Candidate in International Politics at the School of International Politics and Economics, University of China Academy of Social Sciences; Wang Ana,Professor at the School of Foreign Languages, Shanghai Polytechnics; and Sun Keqin, Research Professor, CICIR. At the NATO Madrid Summit in June 2022,NATO adopted the document NATO 2022 Strategic Concept. This is NATO’s strategic consensus reached after years of ferment and fierce controversy under the special background of the pressure exerted by the United States and the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis. It is also the biggest strategic adjustment and strategic planning for the next few years of NATO after the Cold War. The launch of NATO’s new strategic concept has its profound historical background and strategic considerations. It is NATO’s response to the development trend that the evolution of the international landscape is not conducive to the West. It also involves the internal demand of the strategic layout of the United States and the survival of NATO. Since the Madrid Summit, NATO has actively deployed and implemented the new strategy, showing some new trends: From a global perspective, it has vigorously strengthened its military strength, political influence and high-tech capabilities, more actively obeyed and cooperated with the US global strategy, including the strategy towards China, and displayed more obvious aggressiveness in Europe, the Arctic and the Asia-Pacific. NATO’s designation of China as a “systematic challenge” for the first time and its strategic move to seek “active engagement” in Asia-Pacific aばairs are trends that should arouse high vigilance.

47US AI Policy towards China: Power Game or Security Driven, by Dr. Zhu Rongsheng, Young Research Fellow at the Strategic Planning Department, Qiyuan Laboratory, Tsinghua University; and Chen Qi, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at the Department of International Relations, Tsinghua University. Major countries in the world have successively elevated the development of artificial intelligence(AI) to the height of national strategy, triggering a fierce competition in science and technology among them. Through the investigation of the relevant policies of the Trump and Biden administrations, this paper finds that the US AI competition against China has a strong color of power politics, but the relevant bureaucracies have a certain internal impetus in power/security differentiation in the process of policy implementation. From the perspective of the policy orientation of the US bureaucracy, the White House and the State Department are obsessed with“stigmatizing” China’s AI application and show a long-term preference for institutional leadership and rule-making power, while the Departments of Defense,Treasury and Commerce have contradictory decisions and position exchanges in the specific implementation of safeguarding the US technological hegemony and supply stability. In promoting the iteration of military intelligence, the US military’s ability to enable oばensive weapons not only reduces the credibility of the signal of maintaining strategic stability, but also deepens the degree of security dilemma between China and the United States. These findings help to understand the complex signals released by the politicization of artificial intelligence technology in the United States, and provide possible perspectives and directions for exploring global security governance in the age of intelligence.

71The Logic of the United States to Reshape the Semiconductor IndustryChain,by Wu Zelin, Associate Research Fellow at the Institute of International Studies, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences; and Shang Xiucheng, Graduate Student at the Institute of International Studies, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences. Under the combined influence of the United States’ comprehensive competition against China, the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine crisis, the global semiconductor industry chain has suばered a major shock, and the United States and other major countries have started to build an independent and controllable semiconductor industry chain. The United States has a strong semiconductor industry foundation, but is weak in manufacturing capacity,especially in advanced manufacturing processes. It relies heavily on East Asia,which is believed by the United States to lead to a series of risks. As a result,reshaping the semiconductor industry chain has become an important issue after the Biden administration took office. To this end, the US government attempts to make up for America’s weakness in manufacturing capacity and control the cutting-edge chip technology by dynamically and precisely suppressing China’s semiconductor production and supply chain, strengthening technology research and development, promoting advanced semiconductor enterprises to set up factories in the US and building semiconductor industry chain alliances. The Chip and Science Act, which was officially introduced in August 2022, has become an important step towards achieving these goals. However, even in this case, the United States, which occupies the advantage of cutting-edge chip manufacturing technology, is diぴcult to get rid of its dependence on East Asia. Besides, due to the lack of advanced packaging ecology and highly skilled workers in the US, and the diぴculty of uniting allies to contain China, the ambition of the United States to reshape the semiconductor industry chain faces great challenges.

94The Moves of the Yoon Seok-youl Administration to Build a South Korea-US Global Comprehensive Strategic Alliance and Its Implications,by Li Jun, Director and Senior Research Fellow at the Division for Asian Studies of the Institute of International Strategic Studies, Party School of the CPC Central Committee (China National School of Administration). Since the inauguration of the Yoon Seok-youl administration, the South Korean government has put the South Korea-US alliance at the top of its diplomatic agenda, calling for the establishment of a global comprehensive strategic alliance between the two countries, and actively implemented it in three aspects: political and military,economic and technological, and global issues. In essence, it is a concentrated reflection of the pro-American policy line of the conservative camp in South Korea, but specifically, it is also related to the special pro-American complex of Yoon Seok-youl personally. It is the result of the long planning of Yoon Seokyoul and his foreign policy team, and reflects the overall cognition and judgment of the Yoon Seok-youl government on international issues. At the same time, the Ukraine crisis and other external stimuli should not be ignored. As 2023 marks the 70th anniversary of the South Korea-US alliance, the two countries will further consolidate and upgrade bilateral ties. The active building of the South Korea-US global comprehensive strategic alliance by the Yoon Seok-youl administration not only harms the strategic mutual trust between China and the ROK, but also does nothing good to improve the inter-Korean relations and promote the denuclearization process of the Korean Peninsula, and hurts the overall peace and stability of Northeast Asia.

112The Motivation of the ROK and Japan to Improve Their Bilateral Relationsand Its Trend,by Dr. Xie Ruochu, Lecturer at the Department of International Politics, University of International Relations; and Lyu Yaodong, Vice President and Doctoral Supervisor at the Institute of Japanese Studies, CASS. As two important countries in Northeast Asia with disputes over historical issues and practical interests, the relationship between South Korea and Japan is closely related to the regional security situation and the process of regional integration,and also has a profound impact on China’s surrounding security environment.Since the Yoon Seok-youl administration took office in South Korea, relations between the ROK and Japan have shown signs of improvement in many aspects,which is not only the result of the consideration of their own interests, but also inseparable from the coordination by their common ally the United States.Although the improvement of relations between South Korea and Japan faces various constraints due to the poor stability of the Yoon Seok-youl administration,the persistent historical issues between the two countries, and the lack of endogenous impetus for the improvement of bilateral relations, it cannot be ignored that it will undoubtedly have an impact on the situation on the Korean Peninsula, South Korea’s policy toward China, and the regional policy of the United States. Therefore, we should pay full attention to and be highly vigilant against its trend.

133Opportunities and Challenges for China to Deepen Cooperation with thePacific Island Countries,by Sun Lu, Postdoctoral Fellow at the Institute of Asia-Pacific and Global Strategic Studies, CASS. Based on a brief introduction of the history and national conditions of the Pacific island countries as well as the history and current situation of the friendly cooperation between China and the South Pacific island countries in the past 40 years, this paper summarizes and analyzes the opportunities and challenges in the cooperation between China and the South Pacific region, and puts forward some policy suggestions on how to better expand and deepen the cooperation between the two sides in the future.Opportunities include the need for China and the South Pacific island countries to expand and deepen cooperation in development and security; the challenges mainly come from the resistance of the United States and other Western countries to the cooperation between China and the South Pacific island countries. On the one hand, the United States and other Western countries are especially vigilant to the cooperation between China and the South Pacific island countries and spread negative public opinions on the issue of security cooperation. On the other hand,in order to obstruct the cooperation between China and the South Pacific island countries and squeeze China out of the South Pacific region, the United States and its allies directly or strategically upgrade their geopolitical and military strategic measures. Under such pressure, the South Pacific island countries have diばerent attitudes and reactions. The resistance imposed by the United States and its allies is in essence a suppression and violation of the right to development of most countries, including China and the South Pacific island countries. In view of the above situation, it is suggested that relevant Chinese departments and scholars take steps at the regional and international levels to promote the development of bilateral relations, improve the international environment for development, and constantly consolidate and strengthen the friendly cooperation between China and the South Pacific island countries.